La lettre de la Preuve |
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ISSN 1292-8763 |
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Argumentation and Mathematical Proof in Japan Yasuhiro Sekiguchi Mikio Miyazaki
This paper is a response to some issues addressed by
Nicholas Balacheff about relationships between argumentation
and mathematical proof in the cultural context. We discuss
these issues from a Japanese perspective, and focus on the
ways Japanese culture affects argumentation, mathematical
proof, and their relationships. (1) argumentation is a type of verbal communication, In the following, we first describe communication styles in Japanese culture, comparing with those of the Western culture. Then, we discuss argumentation and mathematical proof in Japanese schools, focusing on how they are related to general styles of communication in Japanese culture. Communication and Argumentation in Japanese and Western CulturesIn Western culture, the goal of communication is
considered to be a valid conclusion. Discussion is a tool to
explore the problem concerned. Expressing one's own opinion
and confronting others are conceived of as deepening the
understanding of each other. Here, better understanding of
differences between opinions is considered facilitating good
human relation. "In the United States problems are sharply defined, causes of difficulty identified, alternative proposals offered and challenged, decisions hammered out through a process of argument and compromise. In Japan, decision-making follows a different course. The discussion may proceed at some length without any clear specification of the problem. Participants proceed cautiously, attempting to decipher the opinions of others without asking them directly. Various points of view are intimated, but so expressed that they can later be qualified or retracted if they encounter resistance. The leader in the American case alternatively challenges and crystallizes the views expressed. He presses to effect a decision in the allotted time. In the Japanese case the leader sensitively listens for or nourishes whatever themes seem to be drawing unanimous support. At any suggestion of a serious difference of opinion the meeting may be postponed. Perhaps at another time group members may be more of the same mind. If not, the matter can and should be delayed until everyone is comfortable with its disposition. Differences appear to be emphasized and encouraged in the United States as a way of stimulating a wider variety of solutions. Differences appear to be minimized or suppressed in Japan in the interest of preserving the harmony of the group." (Barnlund, 1975, pp. 136-137) The above communication style of Japanese may be called
the "group" model, and it originated from Confucianism of
ancient China (Moeran, 1984, 1989/1993). "This metaphor [ARGUMENT IS WAR] is reflected in our everyday language by a wide variety of expressions: ... This holds true in a single argument also. Toulmin (1958) and Toulmin, Rieke, & Janik (1984) described a pattern of argument ("Toulmin model"), consisting of four components: claims, grounds, warrants, and backing. These are to responses to (real or hypothetical) challengers' questions. A "claim" is a statement which clarifies a topic of the discussion, and a position the arguer tries to defend about the topic. "Grounds" are the data or information which the claim is based on, responding to questions like "What have you got to go on?" "Warrants" are to justify the relevance of the grounds to the claim, taking the form of rules, principles, standards, and the like, responding to questions like "How do you get there?" "Backing" is to assure that the warrants are reliable, and that they are applicable to the present context, responding to challenges to the warrants. Thus, the argument structure also reflects the Western style argumentation, as van Eemeren, Grootendorst, Jackson, and Jacobs (1997) point out "..., the argument structure [of Toulmin model] is really the product of an interaction with each part of the argument defined in terms of some specified interactional function--as answers to particular questions or challenges to the initial claim." (p. 217) In contrast, in Japan, exchanging talks in either public or private is usually referred to as "hanashi-ai": The word means mutual conversation or consultation, and does not signify a war. Because people try to avoid direct confrontation, they try to put their opinions ambiguously so that they can withdraw or change them easily when others indicate opposition (Nakayama, 1989). As a result, people in "hanashi-ai" do not usually bring up such full logical defense devices like "grounds," "warrants," and "backing." Even in those situations where the social exchange model is working, people tend to avoid bringing up logical armaments because they feel that arguing logically is impersonal ("katakurushii"). In ordinary life, logic ("ronri") is often equated with "rikutsu." The latter is often used derogatorily. Arguments that emphasize "rikutsu" are considered superficial and not reaching the audience's hearts. Therefore, even in the social exchange model, logical argumentation is not preferred. Proof and Argumentation in Japanese ClassroomsMathematical proof is called "shoumei" in Japanese. In
the following, we first describe where the concept of
"shoumei" is located in mathematics teaching in Japan, and
discuss how Japanese culture affects its instruction. Then
we discuss the argumentation in mathematics classrooms in
Japan, and how it is related to Japanese culture. Mathematical Proof in ClassroomsMathematics lessons in Japanese schools emphasize
"wakaru" (understanding) of mathematical ideas (e. g.,
Stigler & Hiebert, 1999). Memorizing formulas and
mastering skills are not considered to be the central theme
of learning. In school mathematics, we emphasize the
importance of asking questions "why?" in thinking: "Why"
questions encourage asking to search the "origin" (causes or
basic premises) of the phenomenon in focus and to describe a
(causal or logical) path ("sujimichi") leading from the
origin to the phenomenon. Answer to the "why?" is termed
"wake" or "riyu" (reasons). The activities of finding and
explaining "wake" or "riyu" are considered essential for
learning of mathematical proof in Japan (cf. Kumagai, 1998).
These include descriptions about problem solving processes
(e.g., "Write an equation to represent the problem
situation") and justification of procedures or steps
employed in those processes (e. g., "Why did you do
so?"). Argumentation in Mathematics ClassroomsAs mentioned already, confronting someone's argument in
public is not encouraged in Japanese culture: Opposition is
usually indirectly or euphemistically expressed. In school,
children are not totally socialized to the adult culture,
however. They sometimes directly express opposition or
disagreement in classroom talks, and may endanger the
classroom harmony. The classroom teacher plays an important
role here. The teacher expresses respects to individual
children's ideas, whether they are wrong or not. The teacher
tries to use a conflict between children's claims as a good
opportunity to deepen children's understanding of the issue
in question. That is, the teacher handles the conflict not
just as a problem between the involved children but instead
frames a problem of the whole class from it: The conflict is
shared among the classroom participants, and becomes "our"
problem (cf. Lewis, 1995, pp. 125-130). The teacher
encourages the whole class to think about it and give
suggestions. All the class members are supposed to work
together towards resolution of the problem, so that the
reached resolution produces a recovery of the harmony in the
classroom community. Concluding RemarksWe indicated that the instruction of mathematical proof and the structure of "hanashi-ai" in Japanese classrooms are more consistent with Japanese traditional communication styles than Toulmin model. One may wonder if the instruction of mathematical proof and structures of discussion in the mathematics classroom of Western countries are consistent with Toulmin model. That seems not necessarily to be the case. For example, as Schoenfeld (1988) and Gregg (1995) pointed out, the instruction of mathematical proof in the United States seems not to encourage students' argumentative activity. Though there are some attempts that succeeded in producing Toulmin-type argumentation in mathematics classrooms (Fawcett, 1938/1995; Krummheuer, 1995), they are exceptional. We are afraid that this gap between the classroom instruction of mathematical proof and the general communication styles may further intensify the isolation of the former from the social life in the United States. ReferencesBarnlund D. C. (1975) Public and private self in
Japan and the United States: Communicative styles of two
cultures. Tokyo: The Simul Press.
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